Bénin’s opposition questions government on potential Niger military action

Following the military coup in Niger on July 26, 2023, international reactions were swift and varied. Key international bodies like the CEDEAO, the AU, and nations such as the USA, France, and Russia promptly declared their stances. Within Bénin, the pronouncements by President Patrice Talon, including hints of potential armed intervention, have met with considerable dissent. Western media reports suggested Bénin might commit troops to a CEDEAO-led force against the military junta. Numerous influential figures, including the Catholic Church and several political leaders, have publicly voiced opposition to a military solution, advocating instead for diplomatic engagement to resolve the ongoing crisis.

Members of the opposition party, « Les Démocrates », have directly challenged the government regarding the situation, submitting a comprehensive list of 19 urgent questions. Their core inquiry centers on the rationale behind Bénin’s potential military involvement, particularly given the long-standing fraternal bond between Bénin and Niger. Concerns were also raised about adherence to the Béninese constitution, the safety of deployed troops, and the risk of conflict escalation, alongside its potential repercussions for civilian populations and Bénin’s national stability.

Beyond the military aspect, the opposition also highlighted significant economic and diplomatic concerns. The closure of borders with Niger is anticipated to have substantial adverse effects on the Autonomous Port of Cotonou and the broader Béninese economy, which is already feeling the strain of CEDEAO sanctions. With essential commodity prices on the rise and economic stakeholders facing difficulties, « Les Démocrates » demand clear and actionable responses from the government.

Dialogue emerges as the preferred pathway for numerous regional and international stakeholders. Opposition representatives reminded President Patrice Talon of his past statements endorsing dialogue as a remedy for coups d’état, urging him to initiate a similar inclusive dialogue within Bénin itself. The current moment calls for careful consideration, critical questioning, and, most importantly, the pursuit of peaceful, consensual resolutions for the region’s future.

parliamentary inquiry into government’s stance

On July 26, 2023, a military coup in Niger abruptly ended the constitutional term of President Mohamed Bazoum. This development triggered responses from numerous states globally and from sub-regional and regional organizations, including the CEDEAO, the AU, and the UN. Subsequently, on Thursday, August 10, 2023, CEDEAO heads of state and government convened an extraordinary summit. From this meeting, decisions were made, notably the directive to deploy the CEDEAO standby force with the aim of restoring constitutional order in the Republic of Niger.

Consequently, the government of Bénin, through various statements, has indicated its intent to commit Béninese troops to the CEDEAO contingent tasked with confronting the military junta in power. Considering this governmental decision to involve Bénin in a conflict against the sovereign, brotherly people of Niger, which potentially contravenes Article 101 of our constitution, and acknowledging that sanctions imposed by the CEDEAO heads of state at their July 30, 2023, session in Abuja are already severely impacting our nation’s economic, social, and security landscape, the National Assembly, invoking Article 108 and its subsections of its internal rules of procedure, requests the government to address the following concerns:

1. What measures has the government undertaken to seek parliamentary approval regarding the deployment of Béninese troops in a potential CEDEAO operation in Niger, in line with Article 101, paragraph 1 of our constitution, which states: « the declaration of war is authorized by the National Assembly »?
2. Given the prospect of conflict against the sovereign people of Niger, and considering that nations such as France and the United States have arranged for the evacuation of their citizens from Niger, what provisions has the Béninese government made for its nationals residing there?
3. As Bénin and Niger share a fraternal bond, what is the justification for Bénin’s decision to dispatch troops to attack Niger, especially when other CEDEAO member states, not bordering Niger, have declined participation?
4. What is the proposed strength of Béninese soldiers and the primary logistical support the government intends to provide to the CEDEAO contingent? What is the estimated cost of Bénin’s potential involvement in this operation, and who will bear these expenses?
5. Should an aggression against our sister nation, Niger, occur, can our government guarantee that no civilian lives in Niger, nor those of our own soldiers, will be lost?
6. What provisions has the government established for each soldier in terms of combat pay, and for each soldier’s family in the tragic event of a Béninese soldier’s death during operations?
7. Given that Bénin shares a border with Niger, what assurances can the government provide that, in the event of retaliation from the Nigerien army, there will be no casualties recorded on Béninese territory?
8. Can the government guarantee that, should a conflict with Niger unfold, potential jihadists will not exploit the instability to infiltrate our country, as observed in Libya?
9. Would it not be a more prudent approach to prioritize political and diplomatic dialogue, mirroring the strategies employed in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea?
10. Is it not feasible for Bénin to once again lead within CEDEAO in preventing coups d’état by actively addressing issues such as electoral exclusions, political imprisonment, and the forced exile of opposition figures?
11. Why does CEDEAO appear more eager to respond to military coups while seemingly tolerating institutional coups, such as those witnessed in Côte d’Ivoire in 2020, Guinea in 2021, and Bénin in 2019, 2020, and 2021, among other nations?
12. Is the restoration of President Mohamed Bazoum‘s power more valuable than the lives of thousands of Nigerien citizens and CEDEAO contingent soldiers who could perish in such an endeavor?
13. What future awaits Niger in the aftermath of such a conflict?
14. The populace across the CEDEAO region has lost faith in our organization, often labeling it a « union of heads of state. » What steps does Bénin intend to take to restore the reputation of this sub-regional body?
15. Following the extraordinary CEDEAO summit, President Patrice Talon spoke of dialogue as an alternative to coups d’état. When can the inclusive dialogue, so desired by the Béninese opposition, be expected?
16. What are the repercussions of closing our borders with Niger on the Autonomous Port of Cotonou?
17. What are the impacts of the existing CEDEAO sanctions on the Béninese economy and its citizens?
18. What immediate measures has the government already implemented to counteract the escalating prices of essential goods?
19. What provisions does the Béninese government have in place for economic stakeholders (such as port operators, transporters, and other business entities) who are already suffering from the effects of CEDEAO sanctions?