The calm of Niamey was shattered in the early hours of January 29, when intense gunfire and explosions erupted near the Diori Hamani International Airport. While attacks on Niger’s capital remain rare, this strike was swiftly claimed by the Islamic State in the Sahel (ISS) through its propaganda outlet, AMAQ.
Nigerien authorities reported that the assault lasted about an hour before being repelled by an aeroterrestrial counterattack. Official figures—though unverifiable—indicate twenty attackers killed, eleven captured, and four soldiers injured. On February 2, Russia’s Foreign Ministry confirmed that troops from the Africa Corps, a unit under the Russian Defense Ministry, had assisted Nigerien forces in securing the area.
General Abdourahamane Tiani, leader of Niger’s military junta, praised the professionalism of Russian partners operating in their designated security zone around the airport. This facility is particularly strategic as it hosts the Air Base 101 and serves as a key military hub in Niger’s defense against jihadist threats.
Propaganda video exposes attack details
Just days after the assault, the ISS escalated its intimidation tactics by releasing a video allegedly filmed during the raid. The footage, branded with the AMAQ logo, depicts armed militants—some on motorcycles—moving through the airport’s restricted military zone.
The images show assailants approaching hangars, opening fire, and setting fires. Two small aircraft and a helicopter appear damaged, matching reports of Niger’s aerial assets used in counterterrorism operations. Satellite imagery later confirmed scorched areas near the runway.
The video then shifts to the civilian side of the airport, where militants film commercial planes from airlines like Asky and Air Côte d’Ivoire. While Nigerien officials acknowledged damage to three civilian aircraft, the Defense Ministry vaguely referred to « damaged equipment, including ammunition stocks that caught fire » without further specifics.
Niamey: new frontline in Sahel jihadist expansion
Though Niger has faced decade-long violence from groups like the Support Group for Islam and Muslims (GSIM), linked to Al-Qaeda, direct strikes on the capital had been uncommon—until now. Days before the airport attack, GSIM claimed responsibility for destroying a military vehicle east of Niamey, signaling growing pressure on the central government.
This surge in jihadist activity coincides with Niger’s shifting security alliances. Since the July 2023 coup, Niamey has pivoted toward Moscow while distancing itself from Western partners. French forces were expelled in late 2023, and the U.S. significantly reduced its military footprint in 2024—though maintaining diplomatic ties.
Diplomatic fallout and regional tensions
In a fiery speech, General Tiani accused France, Benin, and Côte d’Ivoire of « sponsoring » the attack, a claim swiftly rejected by Abidjan and Cotonou. Côte d’Ivoire summoned Niger’s ambassador, condemning the remarks as « grave » and warning they could harm bilateral relations.
Meanwhile, nearly 300 Italian troops stationed in Niger as part of the Italian Support Mission in Niger (MISIN) denied any involvement in the fighting. Defense Minister Guido Crosetto emphasized that their top priority remains troop safety.
Strategic stakes at Niamey’s airport
Beyond its symbolic value, the airport is a linchpin of Niger’s security apparatus, serving as both an air base and headquarters for the joint force of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. It also stores a significant stockpile of uranium concentrate—a point of contention with French firm Orano. Reports suggest Niamey may transfer these reserves to Russia, though no logistical solution has been finalized.
Despite the attack, air traffic resumed the next day, and life in surrounding neighborhoods quickly returned to normal. Yet the episode marks a turning point: by targeting the capital’s military and logistical core, the ISS has proven its destructive potential, while Russian involvement underscores Niger’s pivot toward Moscow—risking further regional instability.