the fight for citizen power in Senegal: a journey through history, challenges and renewal
Senegal’s political landscape has undergone dramatic shifts in recent years, culminating in the landmark presidential election of Bassirou Diomaye Faye in March 2024. The victory, achieved with over 54% of votes in the first round, represented more than a political transition—it signaled a rebirth of citizen power in a nation long grappling with democratic fatigue. Yet, two years into Faye’s mandate, concerns persist: can this renewed citizen engagement be sustained, or will it fade into institutional stagnation? A critical test lies in whether Senegal can institutionalize the power of ordinary citizens to hold authority accountable, particularly through mechanisms like direct constitutional petitions.
The abandonment of direct citizen access to the Constitutional Court—despite being a key recommendation from the 2024 and 2025 National Dialogues—serves as a stark reminder of the gap between democratic promise and institutional reality. This article explores the evolution, crises and reinvention of citizen power in Senegal, weaving together modern legal frameworks, traditional African governance practices and contemporary philosophical thought to propose a path forward.
Key takeaway: Senegal stands at a crossroads where the resilience of its democratic institutions depends not just on legal reforms, but on reviving the ethical foundations of civic engagement that have long defined its social fabric.
—from ancient roots to modern challenges: the genealogy of citizen power
The concept of citizenship in Senegal cannot be understood in isolation. It draws from a rich tapestry of influences—Greek participatory democracy, Roman legal status, the revolutionary ideals of popular sovereignty, and the unique ethical traditions of West African societies. This fusion creates a distinct model of civic engagement that transcends Western paradigms.
the western foundations: participation, rights and critique
The idea of the citizen as an active participant in political life originates in ancient Greece, where Aristotle defined citizenship not by birthright but by engagement—those who took part in judicial and deliberative processes. This model, while deeply participatory, excluded women, slaves and non-citizens. Yet its core principle—that citizenship requires active involvement—remains foundational.
The Roman Empire shifted the focus from participation to legal status with the civis romanus, a citizen defined by rights rather than direct political action. This abstract notion of citizenship, detached from daily governance, would later influence modern liberal democracies. The French Revolution redefined citizenship as both a bearer of natural rights and a member of the sovereign collective, though it too perpetuated exclusions—women, the poor and colonial subjects were denied full participation.
Modern political theory refined this further. T.H. Marshall’s Citizenship and Social Class (1950) outlined three layers of citizenship—civil, political and social—highlighting its evolution as a process of progressive inclusion. Pierre Rosanvallon, in Counter-Democracy, argued that trust in elected representatives has eroded, giving rise to a counter-democracy of vigilance, veto and judgment. This shift reflects a broader trend: citizens are no longer passive recipients of governance but active monitors of power.
Cynthia Fleury, meanwhile, delves into the psychological dimensions of citizenship. Her work emphasizes the importance of individualization—the capacity of citizens to think and act independently—as well as courage and resilience in the face of systemic resentment. Fleury warns that unaddressed grievances can fester into destructive cynicism, undermining democratic cohesion.
african traditions: ethics and deliberation in citizen power
To understand Senegal’s citizen power, one must look beyond Western models. Pre-colonial West African societies developed sophisticated systems of governance rooted in communal ethics and deliberative traditions. In Senegal, the Wolof kingdoms of the 19th century, for example, had institutions like the jambur—an assembly of free notables that could depose a king deemed unworthy. Power was not absolute but constrained by ethical norms, religious authorities and social checks.
The penc (or palabre), a village assembly held under a central tree, embodies this tradition. Unlike the confrontational style of Greek democracy, the penc seeks consensus through prolonged deliberation, where decisions are not rushed but emerge from collective reflection. While hierarchical structures (based on age, caste or gender) exist within these traditions, their core principles—openness, patience and communal accountability—offer valuable lessons for modern governance.
These societies also codified a system of civic virtues that remain culturally significant today:
- Jom: honor, dignity and the refusal to compromise—a virtue that enables citizens to stand firm in adversity.
- Kersa: restraint, respect and humility, balancing jom to prevent arrogance or abuse of power.
- Teranga: hospitality and generosity, the social glue that binds communities.
- Ngor: integrity and keeping one’s word, essential for trust in leadership.
These virtues are not relics of the past but living principles that shape Senegalese social interactions and political expectations. Contemporary thinkers like Achille Mbembe and Souleymane Bachir Diagne argue that such traditions offer a complementary framework for democracy—one that values relational ethics over purely procedural governance.
—Senegal at a crossroads: diagnosing the crisis of citizen power
The years leading up to the 2024 election were marked by mass protests, political repression and a resurgence of civic mobilization—hallmarks of what Rosanvallon calls the counter-democratic moment. The arrest of opposition leader Ousmane Sonko in 2021 sparked nationwide demonstrations, followed by the 2024 electoral crisis when then-President Macky Sall attempted to delay the vote. The Council of the Constitution intervened, upholding the rule of law, and Faye’s victory emerged from this crucible of civic resistance.
Yet this triumph has been tempered by persistent challenges:
- Institutional skepticism: The judiciary and electoral bodies remain under scrutiny, with accusations of bias and ineffectiveness.
- Youth unemployment: Between 20% and 30% of Senegalese under 35 are unemployed, fueling disillusionment and resentment.
- Political polarization: The post-election climate has seen deep divisions, with some questioning the legitimacy of reforms.
- Erosion of civic virtues: Critics lament the decline of jom, kersa and ngor in public life, pointing to opportunism, corruption and a lack of accountability among elites.
Cynthia Fleury’s analysis is particularly relevant here. She describes resentment as a “plague of democracy”, a corrosive force that saps collective morale. In Senegal, this resentment manifests in:
- Economic frustration: Joblessness and poverty breed bitterness toward political elites perceived as self-serving.
- Moral injury: The dissonance between democratic ideals and lived realities undermines faith in institutions.
- Cultural alienation: The erosion of traditional civic virtues leaves a void that modern governance struggles to fill.
Without addressing these emotional and ethical dimensions, legal reforms risk being hollow. A new constitution, an independent judiciary or decentralized governance will only work if citizens are equipped with the virtues—jom, kersa, teranga—that sustain collective action.
—seven proposals to revitalize citizen power in Senegal
To bridge the gap between democratic promise and institutional reality, Senegal must adopt a dual strategy: strengthening modern governance while reviving traditional civic ethics. Here are seven actionable proposals:
1. direct citizen access to the constitutional court
Currently, only the President or a tenth of parliamentarians can petition the Constitutional Court. This excludes ordinary citizens from challenging unconstitutional laws. The 2024 National Dialogue recommended allowing direct constitutional petitions—a reform yet to be implemented. Such a change would empower citizens as guardians of the constitution, aligning with Rosanvallon’s vision of a people-as-judge.
2. recognize traditional deliberative spaces
The penc and other traditional assemblies could be formally integrated into local governance. Municipalities could be required to consult these spaces on key decisions—urban planning, resource allocation or social programs—thereby reviving participatory democracy at the grassroots level.
3. embed civic virtues in education
Civic education in Senegal focuses on institutions and symbols. A reframed curriculum should teach jom, kersa, teranga and other virtues not as folklore but as practical tools for democratic life. This would require training teachers, developing teaching materials and fostering student-led civic initiatives.
4. strengthen independent oversight bodies
Institutions like the Court of Auditors, the National Anti-Corruption Office (OFNAC) and the Inspector General of State must be granted constitutional independence, adequate funding and the ability to receive citizen complaints. A unified digital platform for reporting corruption or mismanagement could enhance transparency.
5. institutionalize national dialogues
The 2024 and 2025 National Dialogues were promising but flawed. To prevent them from becoming mere PR exercises, they should be guided by a public charter that ensures:
- Transparent participant selection, including randomly selected citizens.
- Clear deliberation rules and public documentation of proceedings.
- Mandatory explanations for any deviations between recommendations and final laws.
This would uphold the spirit of masla (tactful conciliation) while ensuring accountability.
6. a politics of democratic care
Addressing resentment requires more than economic policies; it demands a symbolic politics of recognition. This could include:
- Truth and reconciliation commissions inspired by South Africa’s model but adapted to Senegalese traditions of jubbanti (reconciliation).
- Public acknowledgment of past injustices, such as colonial violence or post-independence abuses.
- Investment in youth employment, education and social welfare to restore dignity.
7. participatory budgets and citizen audits
Revitalizing decentralization requires concrete tools:
- Participatory budgets: A portion of municipal funds (e.g., 10-20%) could be allocated through public deliberation.
- Citizen audits: Annual public reviews of local finances, open to all residents.
- General assemblies: Mandatory town hall meetings where officials account for their actions.
These measures would transform citizens from passive recipients of governance into active co-managers of public life.
—lessons from africa and beyond
Senegal’s journey mirrors broader African and global trends. In South Africa, the 1996 Constitution allows direct constitutional petitions, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission helped rebuild civic trust. In Tunisia, the 2011-2014 National Constituent Assembly demonstrated the power of inclusive deliberation—but its democratic gains were later reversed by authoritarian backsliding. The Bénin experiment with a 1990 National Conference shows how initial democratic breakthroughs can erode without sustained civic vigilance.
Internationally, France’s Citizens’ Convention for the Climate (2019-2020) highlighted the potential of citizen assemblies, though political leaders ultimately ignored many recommendations. These cases underscore a critical lesson: democratic reforms are fragile without institutional commitment to citizen engagement.
—objections and responses: a balanced critique
Some argue that traditional civic virtues like jom or the penc are romanticized, ignoring their hierarchical or exclusionary aspects. Others contend that legal reforms alone suffice, dismissing cultural traditions as irrelevant. A third critique warns against over-reliance on Western frameworks like Rosanvallon or Fleury when analyzing African politics.
These objections are valid but incomplete. The goal is not to idealize the past but to critically reappropriate its resources. Civic virtues must be adapted to modern, inclusive standards. Legal reforms must be complemented by cultural renewal. And Western theories should be used alongside African thought—not as superior models but as tools for universal lateral dialogue (as Souleymane Bachir Diagne advocates).
The alternative—to ignore tradition or to resist reform—risks perpetuating a democracy that is legally robust but culturally hollow.
—a citizen’s power: the path forward
Senegal’s future hinges on its ability to cultivate a hybrid civic identity—one that merges modern institutions with traditional ethics, procedural justice with relational responsibility. This requires:
- Institutional rigor: Strong, independent oversight and legal avenues for citizen participation.
- Cultural revival: Reclaiming virtues like jom, kersa and teranga as active principles of democratic life.
- Symbolic recognition: Addressing historical grievances and restoring dignity to marginalized groups.
The 2024 election showed that citizen power is alive in Senegal. But its survival depends on whether the nation can institutionalize this energy—not just through laws, but through the ethical and cultural renewal that sustains democracy itself. The choice is clear: Senegal can either let its civic virtues wither or harness them to build a democracy that is both modern and authentically Senegalese.
This is not just a political project; it is a civic one. And it begins with the citizens themselves.